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[[Image:Civil liberties world.PNG|thumb|330px|Map reflecting the findings of Freedom House's 2007 survey, concerning the state of international civil liberties in 2006. {{legend|#70F263|Most Freedom}} {{legend|#EC6537|Least Freedom}}]]
[[Image:Civil liberties world.PNG|thumb|330px|Map reflecting the findings of Freedom House's 2007 survey, concerning the state of international civil liberties in 2006. {{legend|#70F263|Most Freedom}} {{legend|#EC6537|Least Freedom}}]]


'''''Freedom in the World''''' is a yearly report by US-based [[Freedom House]] that attempts to measure the degree of [[democracy]] and [[Freedom (political)|political freedom]] in every nation and significant disputed territories around the world, and which produces annual scores representing the levels of political rights and civil liberties in each state and territory, on a scale from 1 (most free) to 7 (least free). Depending on the ratings, the nations are then classified as "Free", "Partly Free", or "Not Free". It is often used by researchers in order to measure democracy and correlates highly with several other measures of democracy like the [[Polity data series]].<ref>Casper, Gretchen, and Claudiu Tufis. 2003. “Correlation Versus Interchangeability: the Limited Robustness of Empirical Finding on Democracy Using Highly Correlated Data Sets.” Political Analysis 11: 196-203</ref> It was launched in 1973. There is some debate over the neutrality of Freedom House and the methodology used for the FITW report.<ref name=Bollen />
'''''Freedom in the World''''' is a yearly report by US-based [[Freedom House]] that attempts to measure the degree of [[democracy]] and [[Freedom (political)|political freedom]] in every nation and significant disputed territories around the world, and which produces annual scores representing the levels of political rights and civil liberties in each state and territory, on a scale from 1 (most free) to 7 (least free). Depending on the ratings, the nations are then classified as "Free", "Partly Free", or "Not Free". It is often used by researchers in order to measure democracy and correlates highly with several other measures of democracy like the [[Polity data series]].<ref>Casper, Gretchen, and Claudiu Tufis. 2003. “Correlation Versus Interchangeability: the Limited Robustness of Empirical Finding on Democracy Using Highly Correlated Data Sets.” Political Analysis 11: 196-203</ref> It was launched in 1973 by [[Raymond Gastil]].<ref name=Giannonea/> There is some debate over the neutrality of Freedom House and the methodology used for the FITW report.<ref name=Bollen /><ref name=Giannonea>Giannonea, Diego (2010), "Political and ideological aspects in the measurement of democracy: the Freedom House case", ''Democratization'', Volume 17, Issue 1, pages 68 - 97</ref> One study reviewing changes to the methodology since 1990 concluded that "because of the changes in methodology over time and the strict interconnection between methodological and political aspects, the FH data do not offer an unbroken and politically neutral time series, such that they should not be used for cross-time analyses even for the development of first hypotheses. The internal consistency of the data series is open to question."<ref name=Giannonea/>

Criticisms of the Freedom House indices include
*conceptual stretching: Landman and Hausermann<ref name=Landman>Landman, Tod, and Julia Hausermann. "Map-Making and Analysis of the Main International Initiatives on Developing Indicators on Democracy and Good Governance". Final Report, University of Essex - Human Rights Centre, 2003</ref> "have pointed out that the index by FH has been used as a tool for measuring democracy, good governance, and human rights, thus producing a conceptual stretching which is a major cause of 'losses in connotative precision':<ref name=Landman/> in short, an instrument used to measure everything, in the end, is not able to discriminate against anything."<ref name=Giannonea/>
*issues with aggregation: "the sum of a civil liberty score of 4 and a political liberty score of 2 is the same as the sum of a civil liberty score of 2 and a political liberty score of 4 even though the substantive interpretation of these different combinations is different." (Scoble and Wiseberg<ref name=Scoble/> cited in Giannonea 2010)
*lack of specificity and rigorousness in construction (Hadenius and Teorell,<ref>Hadenius, Axel, and Jan Teorell. 'Assessing Alternative Indices of Democracy'. Working Paper for the Political Concepts. A Working Paper Series of the Committee on Concepts and Methods, 2005. http://www.concepts-methods.org</ref> cited in Giannonea 2010)<ref name=Giannonea/>
*inadequate level of transparency and replicability of the scales (Munck and Verkuilen<ref name=Munck>Munck, Gerardo L. and Verkuilen, Jay (2002) Conceptualising and Measuring Democracy: Evaluating Alternative Indices. Comparative Political Studies 35:1 , pp. 5-34</ref>, cited in Giannonea 2010)<ref name=Giannonea/> "Because no set of coding rules is provided, and the sources of information are not identified with enough precision, and because disaggregated data have not been made available to independent scholars, 'the aggregate data offered by Freedom House has to be accepted largely on faith'<ref name=Munck/>."<ref name=Giannonea/>
*ideological biases of FH methodology. "For instance, Scoble and Wiseberg<ref name=Scoble>Scoble, Harry and Wiseberg, Laurie Nanda, Ved, Scarritt, James and Shepherd, George (eds) (1981) Problems of Comparative Research in Human Rights. ''Global Human Rights: Public Policies, Comparative Measures and NGO Strategies'' pp. 147-171. Westview , Boulder, CO</ref> stated that the scales are influenced by the conservative ideology of FH. Bollen<ref>Bollen, Kenneth A. (1986) Political Rights and Political Liberties in Nations: an Evaluation of Human Rights Measures, 1950 to 1984. Human Rights Quarterly 8:4 , pp. 567-591.</ref> underlined their Cold War and pro-market biases, while Bollen and Paxton<ref>Bollen, Kenneth A. and Paxton, Pamela (2000) Subjective Measures of Liberal Democracy. ''Comparative Political Studies'' 33:1 , pp. 58-86</ref> emphasized that the index of FH systematically favours Christian and Western countries, and tends to adversely codify Muslim and Marxist-Leninist countries. Mainwaring et al. pointed out that FH measurements 'contain two systematic biases: scores for leftist governments were tainted by political considerations, and changes in scores are sometimes driven by changes in their criteria rather than changes in real conditions'.<ref>Mainwaring, Scott, Brinks, Daniel and Perez-Linan, Anibal (2001), Classifying Political Regimes in Latin America, 1945-1999. ''Studies in Comparative International Development'' 36:1 , pp. 37-65.</ref> Gastil responds that 'generally such criticism is based on opinions about Freedom House rather than detailed examination of survey ratings'.<ref>Gastil, Raymond D. (1990) The Comparative Survey of Freedom: Experiences and Suggestions. ''Studies in International Comparative Development'' 25:1 , pp. 25-50</ref>."<ref name=Giannonea/> However, Giannonea (2010) finds "a perfect coincidence between FH changes and the strategies of US foreign policy implemented in 1990s, and above all after 11 September 2001 by the Bush administration, to spread freedom and export democracy."<ref name=Giannonea/>
* "Freedom is defined almost always in a negative way, with particular reference to the role of the state, accused of undue intervention, indoctrination, and even equated with criminal organizations as obstacle to private economic activity".<ref name=Giannonea/>
* "In the checklists there is a tendency to consider and evaluate only the existence of formal rights and not substantive rights."<ref name=Giannonea/>

Despite these issues, the Freedom House rankings are widely used and often treated as authoritative.<ref name=Giannonea/> The indices are widely used in academic studies, and employed by the [[United Nations]] and [[World Bank]].<ref name=Giannonea/> The indices are used by [[USAID]] to evaluate US recipients of aid.<ref name=Giannonea/> They often appear in the media as objective indices, and "are now used indiscriminately as a yardstick for the measurement of democracy."<ref name=Giannonea/>


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Revision as of 14:49, 30 August 2010

Map reflecting the findings of Freedom House's 2009 survey, concerning the state of world freedom in 2008, which correlates highly with other measures of democracy [1]. Some of these estimates are disputed.[2]
  Free (89)
  Partly Free (62)
  Not Free (42)
Countries highlighted in blue are designated "electoral democracies" in Freedom House's 2010 survey Freedom in the World
Map reflecting the findings of Freedom House's 2007 survey, concerning the state of international civil liberties in 2006.
  Most Freedom
  Least Freedom

Freedom in the World is a yearly report by US-based Freedom House that attempts to measure the degree of democracy and political freedom in every nation and significant disputed territories around the world, and which produces annual scores representing the levels of political rights and civil liberties in each state and territory, on a scale from 1 (most free) to 7 (least free). Depending on the ratings, the nations are then classified as "Free", "Partly Free", or "Not Free". It is often used by researchers in order to measure democracy and correlates highly with several other measures of democracy like the Polity data series.[3] It was launched in 1973 by Raymond Gastil.[4] There is some debate over the neutrality of Freedom House and the methodology used for the FITW report.[2][4] One study reviewing changes to the methodology since 1990 concluded that "because of the changes in methodology over time and the strict interconnection between methodological and political aspects, the FH data do not offer an unbroken and politically neutral time series, such that they should not be used for cross-time analyses even for the development of first hypotheses. The internal consistency of the data series is open to question."[4]

Criticisms of the Freedom House indices include

  • conceptual stretching: Landman and Hausermann[5] "have pointed out that the index by FH has been used as a tool for measuring democracy, good governance, and human rights, thus producing a conceptual stretching which is a major cause of 'losses in connotative precision':[5] in short, an instrument used to measure everything, in the end, is not able to discriminate against anything."[4]
  • issues with aggregation: "the sum of a civil liberty score of 4 and a political liberty score of 2 is the same as the sum of a civil liberty score of 2 and a political liberty score of 4 even though the substantive interpretation of these different combinations is different." (Scoble and Wiseberg[6] cited in Giannonea 2010)
  • lack of specificity and rigorousness in construction (Hadenius and Teorell,[7] cited in Giannonea 2010)[4]
  • inadequate level of transparency and replicability of the scales (Munck and Verkuilen[8], cited in Giannonea 2010)[4] "Because no set of coding rules is provided, and the sources of information are not identified with enough precision, and because disaggregated data have not been made available to independent scholars, 'the aggregate data offered by Freedom House has to be accepted largely on faith'[8]."[4]
  • ideological biases of FH methodology. "For instance, Scoble and Wiseberg[6] stated that the scales are influenced by the conservative ideology of FH. Bollen[9] underlined their Cold War and pro-market biases, while Bollen and Paxton[10] emphasized that the index of FH systematically favours Christian and Western countries, and tends to adversely codify Muslim and Marxist-Leninist countries. Mainwaring et al. pointed out that FH measurements 'contain two systematic biases: scores for leftist governments were tainted by political considerations, and changes in scores are sometimes driven by changes in their criteria rather than changes in real conditions'.[11] Gastil responds that 'generally such criticism is based on opinions about Freedom House rather than detailed examination of survey ratings'.[12]."[4] However, Giannonea (2010) finds "a perfect coincidence between FH changes and the strategies of US foreign policy implemented in 1990s, and above all after 11 September 2001 by the Bush administration, to spread freedom and export democracy."[4]
  • "Freedom is defined almost always in a negative way, with particular reference to the role of the state, accused of undue intervention, indoctrination, and even equated with criminal organizations as obstacle to private economic activity".[4]
  • "In the checklists there is a tendency to consider and evaluate only the existence of formal rights and not substantive rights."[4]

Despite these issues, the Freedom House rankings are widely used and often treated as authoritative.[4] The indices are widely used in academic studies, and employed by the United Nations and World Bank.[4] The indices are used by USAID to evaluate US recipients of aid.[4] They often appear in the media as objective indices, and "are now used indiscriminately as a yardstick for the measurement of democracy."[4]

Freedom in the World 2010

The rankings below are from the current year's edition of Freedom in the World (2010). Each pair of political rights and civil liberties ratings is averaged to determine an overall status of "Free," "Partly Free," or "Not Free." Those whose ratings average 1.0 to 2.5 are considered Free, 3.0 to 5.0 Partly Free, and 5.5 to 7.0 Not Free. The methodology is explained here: Methodology, Freedom house

An asterisk (*) indicates countries which are "electoral democracies". To qualify as an "electoral democracy", a state must have satisfied the following criteria:

  1. A competitive, multiparty political system;
  2. Universal adult suffrage for all citizens (with exceptions for restrictions that states may legitimately place on citizens as sanctions for criminal offenses);
  3. Regularly contested elections conducted in conditions of ballot secrecy, reasonable ballot security, and the absence of massive voter fraud that yields results that are unrepresentative of the public will;
  4. Significant public access of major political parties to the electorate through the media and through generally open political campaigning

Freedom House's term "electoral democracy" differs from "liberal democracy" in that the latter also implies the presence of a substantial array of civil liberties. In the survey, all Free countries qualify as both electoral and liberal democracies. By contrast, some Partly Free countries qualify as electoral, but not liberal, democracies.[13]

PR - Political Rights CL - Civil Liberties
* - Electoral democracies per definition stated above

Sub-Saharan Africa

Country PR CL Status
 Angola 6 5 Not Free
 Benin* 2 2 Free
 Botswana* 3 2 Free
 Burkina Faso 5 3 Partly Free
 Burundi* 4 5 Partly Free
 Cameroon 6 6 Not Free
 Cape Verde* 1 1 Free
 Central African Republic 5 5 Partly Free
 Chad 7 6 Not Free
 Comoros* 3 4 Partly Free
 Republic of the Congo 6 5 Not Free
 Democratic Republic of the Congo 6 6 Not Free
 Ivory Coast 6 5 Not Free
 Djibouti 5 5 Partly Free
 Equatorial Guinea 7 7 Not Free
 Eritrea 7 7 Not Free
 Ethiopia 5 5 Partly Free
 Gabon 6 5 Not Free
 Gambia 5 5 Partly Free
 Ghana* 1 2 Free
 Guinea 7 6 Not Free
 Guinea-Bissau* 4 4 Partly Free
 Kenya 4 4 Partly Free
 Lesotho* 3 3 Partly Free
 Liberia* 3 4 Partly Free
 Madagascar* 6 4 Partly Free
 Malawi* 3 4 Partly Free
 Mali* 2 3 Free
 Mauritania 6 5 Not Free
 Mauritius* 1 2 Free
 Mozambique* 4 3 Partly Free
 Namibia* 2 2 Free
 Niger* 5 4 Partly Free
 Nigeria 5 4 Partly Free
 Rwanda 6 5 Not Free
 São Tomé and Príncipe* 2 2 Free
 Senegal* 3 3 Partly Free
 Seychelles* 3 3 Partly Free
 Sierra Leone* 3 3 Partly Free
 Somalia 7 7 Not Free
 South Africa* 2 2 Free
 Sudan 7 7 Not Free
 Eswatini 7 5 Not Free
 Tanzania 4 3 Partly Free
 Togo 5 4 Partly Free
 Uganda 5 4 Partly Free
 Zambia* 3 4 Partly Free
 Zimbabwe 6 6 Not Free

Americas

Country PR CL Status
 Antigua and Barbuda* 3 2 Free
 Argentina* 2 2 Free
 Bahamas* 1 1 Free
 Barbados* 1 1 Free
 Belize* 1 2 Free
 Bolivia* 3 3 Partly Free
 Brazil* 2 2 Free
 Canada* 1 1 Free
 Chile* 1 1 Free
 Colombia* 3 4 Partly Free
 Costa Rica* 1 1 Free
 Cuba 7 6 Not Free
 Dominica* 1 1 Free
 Dominican Republic* 2 2 Free
 Ecuador* 3 4 Partly Free
 El Salvador* 2 3 Free
 Grenada* 1 2 Free
 Guatemala* 4 4 Partly Free
 Guyana* 2 3 Free
 Haiti* 4 5 Partly Free
 Honduras* 4 4 Partly Free
 Jamaica* 2 3 Free
 Mexico* 2 3 Free
 Nicaragua* 4 4 Partly Free
 Panama* 1 2 Free
 Paraguay* 3 3 Partly Free
 Peru* 2 3 Free
 Saint Kitts and Nevis* 1 1 Free
 Saint Lucia* 1 1 Free
 Saint Vincent and the Grenadines* 2 1 Free
 Suriname* 2 2 Free
 Trinidad and Tobago* 2 2 Free
 United States* 1 1 Free
 Uruguay* 1 1 Free
 Venezuela 5 4 Partly Free

Asia-Pacific

Country PR CL Status
 Afghanistan 6 6 Not Free
 Australia* 1 1 Free
 Bangladesh* 3 4 Partly Free
 Bhutan 4 5 Partly Free
 Brunei 6 5 Not Free
 Burma 7 7 Not Free
 Cambodia 6 5 Not Free
 China (mainland) 7 6 Not Free
 East Timor* 3 4 Partly Free
 Fiji 6 4 Partly Free
 India* 2 3 Free
 Indonesia* 2 3 Free
 Japan* 1 2 Free
 Kiribati* 1 1 Free
 Laos 7 6 Not Free
 Malaysia 4 4 Partly Free
 Maldives 3 4 Partly Free
 Marshall Islands* 1 1 Free
 Federated States of Micronesia* 1 1 Free
 Mongolia* 2 2 Free
 Nauru* 1 1 Free
 Nepal 4 4 Partly Free
 New Zealand* 1 1 Free
 North Korea 7 7 Not Free
 Pakistan 4 5 Partly Free
 Palau* 1 1 Free
 Papua New Guinea* 4 3 Partly Free
 Philippines 4 3 Partly Free
 Samoa* 2 2 Free
 Singapore 5 4 Partly Free
 Solomon Islands 4 3 Partly Free
 South Korea* 1 2 Free
 Sri Lanka* 4 4 Partly Free
 Taiwan (Republic of China)* 1 2 Free
 Thailand 5 4 Partly Free
 Tonga 5 3 Partly Free
 Tuvalu* 1 1 Free
 Vanuatu* 2 2 Free
 Vietnam 7 5 Not Free

Central & Eastern Europe & the former Soviet Union

Country PR CL Status
 Albania* 3 3 Partly Free
 Armenia 6 4 Partly Free
 Azerbaijan 6 5 Not Free
 Belarus 7 6 Not Free
 Bosnia and Herzegovina* 4 3 Partly Free
 Bulgaria* 2 2 Free
 Croatia* 1 2 Free
 Czech Republic* 1 1 Free
 Estonia* 1 1 Free
 Georgia 4 4 Partly Free
 Hungary* 1 1 Free
 Kazakhstan 6 5 Not Free
 Kyrgyzstan 6 5 Not Free
 Latvia* 2 1 Free
 Lithuania* 1 1 Free
 Republic of Macedonia* 3 3 Partly Free
 Moldova* 3 4 Partly Free
 Montenegro* 3 2 Free
 Poland* 1 1 Free
 Romania* 2 2 Free
 Russia 6 5 Not Free
 Serbia* 2 2 Free
 Slovakia* 1 1 Free
 Slovenia* 1 1 Free
 Tajikistan 6 5 Not Free
 Turkmenistan 7 7 Not Free
 Ukraine* 3 2 Free
 Uzbekistan 7 7 Not Free

Western & Southern Europe

Country PR CL Status
 Andorra* 1 1 Free
 Austria* 1 1 Free
 Belgium* 1 1 Free
 Cyprus* 1 1 Free
 Denmark* 1 1 Free
 Finland* 1 1 Free
 France* 1 1 Free
 Germany* 1 1 Free
 Greece* 1 2 Free
 Iceland* 1 1 Free
 Ireland* 1 1 Free
 Italy* 1 2 Free
 Liechtenstein* 1 1 Free
 Luxembourg* 1 1 Free
 Malta* 1 1 Free
 Monaco* 2 1 Free
 Netherlands* 1 1 Free
 Norway* 1 1 Free
 Portugal* 1 1 Free
 San Marino* 1 1 Free
 Spain* 1 1 Free
 Sweden* 1 1 Free
 Switzerland* 1 1 Free
 Turkey* 3 3 Partly Free
 United Kingdom* 1 1 Free

Middle East & North Africa

Country PR CL Status
 Algeria 6 5 Not Free
 Bahrain 6 5 Not Free
 Egypt 6 5 Not Free
 Iran 6 6 Not Free
 Iraq 5 6 Not Free
 Israel* 1 2 Free
 Jordan 6 5 Not Free
 Kuwait 4 4 Partly Free
 Lebanon 5 3 Partly Free
 Libya 7 7 Not Free
 Morocco 5 4 Partly Free
 Oman 6 5 Not Free
 Qatar 6 5 Not Free
 Saudi Arabia 7 6 Not Free
 Syria 7 6 Not Free
 Tunisia 7 5 Not Free
 United Arab Emirates 6 5 Not Free
 Yemen 6 5 Not Free

Related/Disputed Territories

Country / Territory PR CL Status
 Abkhazia (Georgia) 5 5 Partly Free
 Chechnya (Russia) 7 7 Not Free
 Hong Kong (People's Republic of China) 5 2 Partly Free
India Kashmir (Indian Administered) 5 4 Partly Free
Pakistan Kashmir (Pakistani Administered) 6 5 Not Free
 Kosovo (Serbia) 5 4 Partly Free
 Macau (People's Republic of China) [14] 6 4 Partly Free
 Nagorno-Karabakh (Azerbaijan) 5 5 Partly Free
 Northern Cyprus (Cyprus) 2 2 Free
 Palestinian Authority-Administered Territories 5 6 Not Free
 Puerto Rico (United States) 1 1 Free
 Somaliland (Somalia) 5 4 Partly Free
 South Ossetia (Georgia) 7 6 Not Free
China Tibet (People's Republic of China) 7 7 Not Free
 Transnistria (Moldova) 6 6 Not Free
Israel Israeli-occupied territories 6 6 Not Free
 Western Sahara (Morocco) 7 6 Not Free

Global trends in freedom

Year Under Review Free Partly Free Not Free
1975 41 (27%) 48 (32%) 63 (41%)
1980 51 (32%) 54 (33%) 56 (35%)
1985 53 (32%) 59 (35%) 55 (33%)
1990 61 (37%) 44 (26%) 62 (37%)
1995 76 (40%) 61 (32%) 54 (28%)
2000 85 (44%) 60 (31%) 47 (25%)
2005 89 (46%) 54 (28%) 49 (26%)
2010 89 (46%) 58 (30%) 47 (24%)

See also

Notes

  1. ^ http://polisci.la.psu.edu/faculty/Casper/caspertufisPAweb.pdf
  2. ^ a b Bollen, K.A. (1992) Political Rights and Political Liberties in Nations: An Evaluation of Human Rights Measures, 1950 to 1984. In: Jabine, T.B. and Pierre Claude, R. "Human Rights and Statistics". University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 0812231082
  3. ^ Casper, Gretchen, and Claudiu Tufis. 2003. “Correlation Versus Interchangeability: the Limited Robustness of Empirical Finding on Democracy Using Highly Correlated Data Sets.” Political Analysis 11: 196-203
  4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Giannonea, Diego (2010), "Political and ideological aspects in the measurement of democracy: the Freedom House case", Democratization, Volume 17, Issue 1, pages 68 - 97
  5. ^ a b Landman, Tod, and Julia Hausermann. "Map-Making and Analysis of the Main International Initiatives on Developing Indicators on Democracy and Good Governance". Final Report, University of Essex - Human Rights Centre, 2003
  6. ^ a b Scoble, Harry and Wiseberg, Laurie Nanda, Ved, Scarritt, James and Shepherd, George (eds) (1981) Problems of Comparative Research in Human Rights. Global Human Rights: Public Policies, Comparative Measures and NGO Strategies pp. 147-171. Westview , Boulder, CO
  7. ^ Hadenius, Axel, and Jan Teorell. 'Assessing Alternative Indices of Democracy'. Working Paper for the Political Concepts. A Working Paper Series of the Committee on Concepts and Methods, 2005. http://www.concepts-methods.org
  8. ^ a b Munck, Gerardo L. and Verkuilen, Jay (2002) Conceptualising and Measuring Democracy: Evaluating Alternative Indices. Comparative Political Studies 35:1 , pp. 5-34
  9. ^ Bollen, Kenneth A. (1986) Political Rights and Political Liberties in Nations: an Evaluation of Human Rights Measures, 1950 to 1984. Human Rights Quarterly 8:4 , pp. 567-591.
  10. ^ Bollen, Kenneth A. and Paxton, Pamela (2000) Subjective Measures of Liberal Democracy. Comparative Political Studies 33:1 , pp. 58-86
  11. ^ Mainwaring, Scott, Brinks, Daniel and Perez-Linan, Anibal (2001), Classifying Political Regimes in Latin America, 1945-1999. Studies in Comparative International Development 36:1 , pp. 37-65.
  12. ^ Gastil, Raymond D. (1990) The Comparative Survey of Freedom: Experiences and Suggestions. Studies in International Comparative Development 25:1 , pp. 25-50
  13. ^ http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=35&year=2005 Methodology, Freedom house
  14. ^ Last available data for Macau are from 2002

References

  • Freedom House (2007). Freedom in the World 2006. Freedom House//Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-7425-5802-9.

External links