2009 Honduran constitutional crisis: Difference between revisions

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→‎Zelaya presidency: FACT tag replacing source that is not WP:RS..should be easy to find other source for this
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===Zelaya presidency===
===Zelaya presidency===
[[File:Manuel Zelaya (Brasília, 03 April 2006).jpeg|thumb|right|110px|[[Manuel Zelaya]]]]
[[File:Manuel Zelaya (Brasília, 03 April 2006).jpeg|thumb|right|110px|[[Manuel Zelaya]]]]
[[Manuel Zelaya]], a businessman born into a wealthy Honduran family,<ref>[http://www.abc.es/20090705/internacional-iberoamerica/manuel-zelaya-sainete-bananero-200907050248.html Manuel Zelaya, en un sainete bananero]. ABC.es</ref> was [[Honduran general election, 2005|elected in 2005]] as the candidate of the country's historically powerful [[Liberal Party of Honduras|Liberal Party]].<ref name="NPRheat">[http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=106084998 The Nation: In Honduras The Heat Is On] by John Nichols, ''NPR'', June 30 2009</ref> Since taking office, Zelaya's economic and social policies have earned him praise from [[labor unions]] and civil society groups,<ref name="NPRheat" /> whereas it alienated him from parts of his own party (historically the party of the moderate left in opposition to the conservative National Party of Honduras) and a significant part of the Honduran electorate,<ref name="ECON1">{{cite news|url=http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=13952942|title=Defying the outside world|publisher=The Economist|date=2009-07-02}}</ref> which were particularly upset by Zelaya's unexpectedly forging a regional alliance with the [[Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas]], established by Venezuelan President [[Hugo Chávez]] and other leaders in Latin America as a counter to the trade and security policies sponsored by the United States.<ref name="NPRheat" /> One aspect of this alliance was that Zelaya had planned to convert the [[Soto Cano Air Base|Soto Cano Air Base ("Palmerola")]], where one of the three [[United States Southern Command]] Task Forces is located, into a civilian airport, partly using financing from the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas and [[Petrocaribe]].<ref name="PamerolaAirBase_Kozloff">{{cite web| last =Kozloff| first =Nikolas| authorlink =| coauthors =| title =Zelaya, Negroponte and Controversy at U.S. Air Base of Soto Cano (Palmerola) | work =| publisher =[[Z Communications]]| date =2009-07-22| url =http://www.zcommunications.org/znet/viewArticle/22085 |format =| doi =| accessdate =2009-07-24 |archiveurl=http://www.webcitation.org/5iUYc7BXx |archivedate=2009-07-23 |deadurl=no}}</ref> ''[[The New York Times]]'' reports that much of Zelaya's support is derived from labor unions and the nation's poor, while the [[middle class]] and [[upper class]] fear Zelaya is seeking to establish [[Hugo Chávez|Hugo Chávez’s]] brand of socialist populism in the country.<ref name="NYT1">{{cite news|url=http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/29/world/americas/29honduras.html|title=Honduran President is Ousted in Coup|publisher=The New York Times|date=2009-06-28|accessdate=2009-06-29}}</ref>
[[Manuel Zelaya]], a businessman born into a wealthy Honduran family,<ref>[http://www.abc.es/20090705/internacional-iberoamerica/manuel-zelaya-sainete-bananero-200907050248.html Manuel Zelaya, en un sainete bananero]. ABC.es</ref> was [[Honduran general election, 2005|elected in 2005]] as the candidate of the country's historically powerful [[Liberal Party of Honduras|Liberal Party]].<ref name="NPRheat">[http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=106084998 The Nation: In Honduras The Heat Is On] by John Nichols, ''NPR'', June 30 2009</ref> Since taking office, Zelaya's economic and social policies have earned him praise from [[labor unions]] and civil society groups,<ref name="NPRheat" /> whereas it alienated him from parts of his own party (historically the party of the moderate left in opposition to the conservative National Party of Honduras) and a significant part of the Honduran electorate,<ref name="ECON1">{{cite news|url=http://www.economist.com/world/americas/displaystory.cfm?story_id=13952942|title=Defying the outside world|publisher=The Economist|date=2009-07-02}}</ref> which were particularly upset by Zelaya's unexpectedly forging a regional alliance with the [[Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas]], established by Venezuelan President [[Hugo Chávez]] and other leaders in Latin America as a counter to the trade and security policies sponsored by the United States.<ref name="NPRheat" /> One aspect of this alliance was that Zelaya had planned to convert the [[Soto Cano Air Base|Soto Cano Air Base ("Palmerola")]], where one of the three [[United States Southern Command]] Task Forces is located, into a civilian airport, partly using financing from the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas and [[Petrocaribe]].{{fact}} ''[[The New York Times]]'' reports that much of Zelaya's support is derived from labor unions and the nation's poor, while the [[middle class]] and [[upper class]] fear Zelaya is seeking to establish [[Hugo Chávez|Hugo Chávez’s]] brand of socialist populism in the country.<ref name="NYT1">{{cite news|url=http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/29/world/americas/29honduras.html|title=Honduran President is Ousted in Coup|publisher=The New York Times|date=2009-06-28|accessdate=2009-06-29}}</ref>


Zelaya has had a somewhat adversarial relationship with his country's large media outlets.<ref name="IPS_1">[http://www.justiceinitiative.org/db/resource2?res_id=104158 "Honduras: Government advertising as subtle censorship"], Inter Press Service, 2 October 2008, via Soros Foundation and Open Society Justice Initiative.</ref> The Inter American Press Association (IAPA) and the United Nations criticized murders of journalists during Zelaya rule.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.cidob.org/es/documentacion/biografias_lideres_politicos/america_central_y_caribe/honduras/manuel_zelaya_rosales|title=Manuel Zelaya Rosales|date=2009-07-03|work=www.cidob.org|publisher=Centro de Investigaciones de Relaciones Internacionales y Desarrollo|language=Spanish|accessdate=2009-07-05}}</ref> In 2008, an Organization of American States (OAS) organ expressed concern about "subtle censorship" exercised by awarding government advertising contracts in a way that favoured some news suppliers. In a similar vein, a non-governmental group, the National Anti-Corruption Council (CNA) released a report ''Censura sutil en Honduras: abuso de publicidad oficial y otras formas de censura indirecta'' (Subtle censorship in Honduras: abuse of official publicity and other forms of indirect censorship") in September 2008.<ref name="IPS_1"/>
Zelaya has had a somewhat adversarial relationship with his country's large media outlets.<ref name="IPS_1">[http://www.justiceinitiative.org/db/resource2?res_id=104158 "Honduras: Government advertising as subtle censorship"], Inter Press Service, 2 October 2008, via Soros Foundation and Open Society Justice Initiative.</ref> The Inter American Press Association (IAPA) and the United Nations criticized murders of journalists during Zelaya rule.<ref>{{cite web|url=http://www.cidob.org/es/documentacion/biografias_lideres_politicos/america_central_y_caribe/honduras/manuel_zelaya_rosales|title=Manuel Zelaya Rosales|date=2009-07-03|work=www.cidob.org|publisher=Centro de Investigaciones de Relaciones Internacionales y Desarrollo|language=Spanish|accessdate=2009-07-05}}</ref> In 2008, an Organization of American States (OAS) organ expressed concern about "subtle censorship" exercised by awarding government advertising contracts in a way that favoured some news suppliers. In a similar vein, a non-governmental group, the National Anti-Corruption Council (CNA) released a report ''Censura sutil en Honduras: abuso de publicidad oficial y otras formas de censura indirecta'' (Subtle censorship in Honduras: abuse of official publicity and other forms of indirect censorship") in September 2008.<ref name="IPS_1"/>

Revision as of 23:46, 29 July 2009

Template:POV-title

Politics of Honduras
Executive
Legislative
Judiciary
Administrative divisions
Elections
Political parties
Foreign relations
  • Ministry of Foreign Affairs
    Minister: Eduardo Enrique Reina

The 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis or the 2009 Honduran coup d'état began on 28 June 2009, when soldiers of the Honduran military ousted President Manuel Zelaya and exiled him to Costa Rica. The military's seizure of the President preempted a non-binding referendum on the possibility of changes to the Constitution of Honduras, which the President had scheduled to be held later that day.[1] The coup occurred in the context of an ongoing dispute between the President, who wanted to convene a National Assembly for the purpose of rewriting the Constitution, and his opponents, who held that such a procedure was illegal and expressed fears that a new constitution would allow the President to seek reelection, which is prohibited under the present constitution.[2] Various official bodies declared that the 28 June poll would be illegal,[3][4] including the Supreme Court, which on 26 June issued a secret order for the detention of President Zelaya. At dawn on the 28th, about 100 soldiers stormed the president's residence in the capital city, Tegucigalpa, overcame about ten presidential guards, bundled Zelaya onto the presidential jet, and dispatched him to San José, Costa Rica.[5] Later that day, Roberto Micheletti, the Speaker of Parliament, and next in the Presidential line of succession, was sworn in as President by the National Congress.[6] (the majority in Congress are from Zelaya's own Liberal party).[7] Besides Zelaya, several dozen other officials including the Foreign Minister and the Mayor of San Pedro Sula were detained,[8] and a "state of exception" suspending civil liberties was declared on 1 July by Micheletti's government.[9][10]

Honduras said that Zelaya had been arrested in compliance with the Constitution, and that the succession was a completely legal process as set out in Honduran laws.[11] No foreign governments have recognized the new government and many of them have described the events as a coup d'état.[12] The United Nations, the Organization of American States,[13] the United States, and the European Union condemned removal of Zelaya as a military coup. The OAS suspended Honduras on Saturday, 4 July, after the caretaker government refused to reinstate President Zelaya.[14][15] In response, the military's chief lawyer, Colonel Herberth Bayardo Inestroza, stated, "In the moment that we took him out of the country, in the way that he was taken out, there was a crime. Because of the circumstances of the moment this crime occurred, there is going to be a justification and cause for acquittal that will protect us." Deputy Attorney General Roy David Urtecho has begun an investigation into why Zelaya was removed from Honduras by force instead of being charged in court.[16] Zelaya also faces 18 criminal charges, including treason and failure to implement more than 80 laws approved by Congress since he took office in 2006. He could be sentenced to 20 years in prison,[17] although Supreme Court spokesman Danilo Izaguirre has said that Zelaya could be granted political amnesty in order to solve the crisis.[18]

International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état has been almost universally negative, with widespread condemnation of the coup d'état. Domestic opinion remains very much divided, and demonstrations and protests for and against Zelaya have taken place. To mediate the situation, Costa Rican President Oscar Arias proposed measures to return Zelaya to power with early elections. Arias' proposal was submitted to the Honduran Attorney General, the National Congress, and the Supreme Court for legal review.[19]

Background

Previous coups d'etat

Many coups d'etat occurred in Latin America during the twentieth century. In Honduras during the second half of the century, five coups d'etat occurred: in October 1955, October 1963 and December 1972, April 1975 and August 1978. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, two coups d'etat occurred in Latin America before 2009. The first occurred in Venezuela on 11 April 2002 and was reversed in 47 hours. The second occurred in Haiti on 29 February 2004. Claims and counterclaims of United States involvement in the Venezuelan and Haiti coups d'etat remain controversial.

Zelaya presidency

Manuel Zelaya

Manuel Zelaya, a businessman born into a wealthy Honduran family,[20] was elected in 2005 as the candidate of the country's historically powerful Liberal Party.[21] Since taking office, Zelaya's economic and social policies have earned him praise from labor unions and civil society groups,[21] whereas it alienated him from parts of his own party (historically the party of the moderate left in opposition to the conservative National Party of Honduras) and a significant part of the Honduran electorate,[22] which were particularly upset by Zelaya's unexpectedly forging a regional alliance with the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas, established by Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez and other leaders in Latin America as a counter to the trade and security policies sponsored by the United States.[21] One aspect of this alliance was that Zelaya had planned to convert the Soto Cano Air Base ("Palmerola"), where one of the three United States Southern Command Task Forces is located, into a civilian airport, partly using financing from the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas and Petrocaribe.[citation needed] The New York Times reports that much of Zelaya's support is derived from labor unions and the nation's poor, while the middle class and upper class fear Zelaya is seeking to establish Hugo Chávez’s brand of socialist populism in the country.[23]

Zelaya has had a somewhat adversarial relationship with his country's large media outlets.[24] The Inter American Press Association (IAPA) and the United Nations criticized murders of journalists during Zelaya rule.[25] In 2008, an Organization of American States (OAS) organ expressed concern about "subtle censorship" exercised by awarding government advertising contracts in a way that favoured some news suppliers. In a similar vein, a non-governmental group, the National Anti-Corruption Council (CNA) released a report Censura sutil en Honduras: abuso de publicidad oficial y otras formas de censura indirecta (Subtle censorship in Honduras: abuse of official publicity and other forms of indirect censorship") in September 2008.[24]

There is a pronounced concentration of media ownership in Honduras: according to the Inter Press Service, "the vast majority of local radio and TV stations and print publications are owned by just six families." For his part, Zelaya complains that he is discriminated against by the country's media: "No one publishes anything about me ... what prevails here is censorship of my government by the big media."[26]

According to The Economist, "Mr. Zelaya’s presidency has been marked by a rise in crime, corruption scandals and economic populism."[22] By April 2009, a Mitofsky opinion poll showed that only one in four Hondurans approved of Zelaya, the lowest approval rating of 18 regional leaders.[27] For the Brazilian newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo, however, "there are no reliable polls in Honduras".[28]

Zelaya's leftward drift during his Presidency (which included raising the minimum wage by 60%) culminated in a plan to emulate Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador in holding a Constitutional Assembly to write a new constitution. A publicity document produced for the forth ballot box initiative that outlined the goals of a constitutional convention was inserted in an Armed Forces timeline document.[29] Some of the topics of a constitutional convention include Social control, the establishment of a recall mechanism for politicians; actual freedom of the press through equitable access; economic liberty with social responsibility; authentic political liberty resulting in a representative democracy where poiticians are responsible to their electorate instead of their party; more popular consultation; and others suggested topics. Notably absent in the flyer was any mention of extending the term of the president.

Constitutional Assembly plans

The current Political Constitution of the Republic of Honduras was initially approved on January 11, 1982, three years after Honduras returned to civilian rule after many decades of mostly military governments. This version was subsequently amended at least 22 times from 1982 to 2005 inclusive.[30]

Referendum on Constitutional Assembly

As early as August 2006, Central America report stated that "liberal sectors" were proposing to reform " 'obsolete articles' " in the constitution, including one against presidential reelection. The report said that this was causing controversy. [31]

On 11 November 2008, president Zelaya announced that he was seeking to have a fourth ballot box, "Cuarta Urna", installed at polling places during the next election, which is scheduled for 29 November 2009. The fourth ballot, which would be in addition to the usual ones for presidential, congressional and local elections, would ask voters whether they wanted to hold a National Constituent Assembly to draft a new constitution.[32] Zelaya, whose presidential term was to expire on 27 January 2010, would be ineligible, under the term-limitations of the present constitution, to run in the 2009 election.[33] Historically, calling a Constitutional Assembly was a common tactic for a president seeking continuismo.[34], [35] It has frequently been suggested by those opposed to Zelaya, that his motive for modifying the constitution is to remove term limits so that he can run for office again. Zelaya has pointed out on at least one occasion (the 26th of June) that since the electorate's decision whether to convoke a constituent assembly would not be made until 29 November 2009 – simultaneously with the presidential election – any constitutional changes that might eventually result would be too late to allow him to run for reelection.[36] Others have also observed that the November 29th date set for the Constitutional Assembly poll is too late to facilitate Zelaya's continuation in office.[37] Critics nevertheless remained concerned that he would attempt to return to power in a future election [citation needed], and could also change the system of government[citation needed], which is forbidden by the current constitution.

On 24 March 2009, Zelaya called for a preliminary poll to be held on 28 June 2009 to gauge popular support for the idea of including the Constituent Assembly question in the November 2009 election. On that day he issued executive decree PCM-05-2009 for the National Statistical Institute to hold the poll by June 28, 2009.[32] [38] The question to be asked in this preliminary poll was:

"Are you in accord that in the general elections of November 2009 there be included a fourth ballot in which the people decide whether to convoke a National Constituent Assembly?"[39]

Constitutionality of Referendum

That same day, the President of the Congress, Micheletti, claimed that article 374 of the constitution states that no referendum can be used to alter the entrenched articles in the constitution that are specified in article 384.[40] He went on to insist that that even to announce such a referendum privately is a crime (" . . . porque eso, incluso, anunciarlo privadamente es un delito.") Micheletti was part of a group of members of Congress who tried to convene the National Congress in 1985 as a National Constituyent Assembly in order to prolong the term of president Roberto Suazo Cordova. That attempt ended when Efrain Bu Giron, President of the National Congress, called Walter Lopez Reyes, the head of the armed forces. [41]

Article 373 of the constitution states that the constitution can be modified by a two-thirds majority of the National Congress. Article 374, however, specifies that several articles are entrenched; that is, they cannot be modified under any circumstances (Spanish: "en ningún caso").[42] The entrenched clauses include those on the system of government that is permitted, and the process of presidential succession.[32] Attention has been focused on article 239.[citation needed][who?]

On March 25, the Attorney General's office formally notified President Zelaya that he would face criminal charges of abusing power if he proceeded with the referendum.

Honduras’ Supreme Electoral Tribunal ruled that such a poll would be illegal.[43] The poll was also ruled illegal by the Supreme Court.[44] In late June the intended consultative poll was also rejected by Congress.[45] In late May, the contentious-administrative court ruled Zelaya's plan illegal. On June 23, 2009 the National Congress passed a law forbidding holding referenda and plebiscites less than 180 days before the next general election; as the next elections are set for 29 November 2009 this would have made the 28 June 2009 poll illegal.

Developments towards referendum

Since this bill was passed after the referendum was scheduled, Zelaya rejected its applicability to this case. [46]

The 2009 budget delay raised questions about how Zelaya was handling money.[47]

The military is in charge of security and logistics in elections in Honduras. Zelaya asked them to perform their election role for the referendum, but the head of the military command, General Romeo Vásquez Velásquez, refused the order to pass out the election materials, brought from Venezuela,[citation needed] because the Supreme Court ruled the referendum to be illegal. On 24 June Zelaya fired him. [10] Later that day, the defense minister and heads of the army, navy and air force resigned.[48] On 25 June the Honduran Supreme Court ruled 5-0 that General Velásquez be reinstated.[23] Tribunal member David Matamoros affirmed the Electoral Tribunal’s support for the military's actions.[36]

Zelaya led several hundred people he recruited to a air force base and take possession of the disputed referendum ballots. Those were then guarded by the national police.[49]

Congress began discussing how to impeach Zelaya. Congress opened an investigation into whether Zelaya had violated the constitution and whether he was "mentally incapable" of holding office.[50] Zelaya responded to the President of the National Congress Roberto Micheletti, a member of the same party who has since been sworn in as President in his stead, by saying "What's with you, Roberto. I was elected by the people, not the congress. How would you make me ineligible, you're a lousy second-rate congressman who got your post because I gave you space in my party."[50]

On 26 June, Micheletti wrote to Romeo Vásquez Velásquez saying "respectfully I am writing you to greet you and to remind you of the Mission to be undertaken June 28; that already the institution that you lead has been called to defend our CONSTITUTION and country and every one of those Hondurans thanks you." Micheletti continued, "These people who say they are Hondurans and wish to change our constitution don't deserve to be in our country, violating our constitution and selling our country."[51][52]

On 23 June, up to tens of thousands of people marched in San Pedro Sula against Zelaya's alleged re-election plans.[53] On June 27, thousands of protesters opposed to Zelaya marched through the capital city Tegucigalpa.[54]

The Supreme Court, the Congress, and the military recommended that voters stay home because the referendum would be neither fair nor safe to voters. The National Human Rights Commissioner, Ramón Custodio, said "I would tell the people to stay calmly at home in order not to get involved in any incident or any violence by going to vote 'no,' because they might be assaulted by these mobs," referring to Zelaya's supporters, who also were going to handle election materials and count ballots.[55]

Coup d'état

Detention order

On Thursday June 25, the Honduran Attorney General issued a secret order to detain and depose Zelaya.[56] On June 26, 2009 a Honduran Supreme Court judge issued a sealed order, based on the Attorney General's petition, to detain José Manuel Zelaya Rosales for “acting against the government, treason, abuse of authority, and usurpation of power,”.[57][58] These orders were not made public at the time.

Zelaya's detention and exile

Soldiers stormed the president's residence in Tegucigalpa early in the morning of 28 June, disarming the presidential guard, waking Zelaya and putting him on a plane to Costa Rica. Colonel Bayardo said “It was a fast operation. It was over in minutes, and there were no injuries, no deaths. We said, ‘Sir, we have a judicial order to detain you.’ ” [59]

In Costa Rica, Zelaya told the pan-Latin American channel TeleSUR that he had been awakened by gunshots. Masked soldiers took his cell phone, shoved him into a van and took him to an air force base, where he was put on a plane. He said he did not know that he was being taken to Costa Rica until he landed at the airport in San José, Costa Rica.[23]

Within several hours of his removal, Zelaya spoke to media in San José, calling the events "a coup" and "a kidnapping." He stated that soldiers pulled him from his bed and assaulted his guards. A source inside Micheletti's government said that Zelaya left wearing a crisply ironed dress shirt, but changed into a T-shirt before arriving to appear that he was hustled out in his pajamas.[60] Zelaya stated that he would not recognize anyone named as his successor, that he would be meeting with diplomats and that he wanted to finish his term in office.[61]

Tanks patrolled the streets and military planes flew overhead. Soldiers guarded the main government buildings. The government television station and a television station that supports the president were taken off the air. Television and radio stations broadcast no news.[23] The electrical power, phone lines, and international cable TV were cut or blocked throughout Honduras.[62] Public transportation was suspended.[63]

Later that day, the Supreme Court issued a statement that it had ordered the army to remove Zelaya from office.[10] The Supreme Court stated "The armed forces, in charge of supporting the constitution, acted to defend the state of law and have been forced to apply legal dispositions against those who have expressed themselves publicly and acted against the dispositions of the basic law".[64] On June 30, the military's chief lawyer, Colonel Herberth Bayardo Inestroza Membreño, showed a detention order, signed June 26 by a Supreme Court judge, which ordered the armed forces to detain the president, identified by his full name of José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, at his home in the Tres Caminos area of the capital. It cited him for treason and abuse of authority, among other charges.[58] Colonel Inestroza later stated that deporting Zelaya did not comply with the court order: "In the moment that we took him out of the country, in the way that he was taken out, there is a crime. Because of the circumstances of the moment this crime occurred, there is going to be a justification and cause for acquittal that will protect us."[16] He said the decision was taken by the military leadership "in order to avoid bloodshed".[65]

Presidential succession

The National Congress was called into an extraordinary session where not all legislators were notified or present, and presented with what was claimed to be Zelaya's resignation letter, dated June 25.[66] Zelaya has said he did not write the letter. Based on Supreme Court’s arrest warrant, the Honduran National Congress said it removed José Manuel Zelaya Rosales “from office by virtue of Constitutional Article 239".[4] The Congress voted to remove Zelaya for "manifest irregular conduct" and "putting in present danger the state of law." By a show of hands, the National Congress then appointed the President of the National Congress Roberto Micheletti, a member of Zelaya's party, to be President to succeed Zelaya.[67]

File:2009 Honduras political crisis 6.jpg
A document regarding the signature on the supposed letter of resignation broadcasted by TeleSUR. It compares the signature of Zelaya in the letter of resignation and Zelaya's signature in the document of adhesion of Honduras in the ALBA.

Other detentions

Acting President Roberto Micheletti ordered a 48-hour curfew which began on Sunday night (June 28) and ended on Tuesday (June 30). Originally the curfew ran from 9:00 p.m. to 6:00 a.m.[68] That curfew was later revised to be in effect from 10 pm to 5 am, and had been extended twice. It ended on July 7, but was restared again on July 15.[69] Also on July 1, the National Congress issued an order (decreto ejecutivo N° 011-2009) at the request of Micheletti suspending four constitutional guarantees during the hours the curfew is in effect.[70] The "state of exception" declared on 1 July is equivalent to a state of siege, and suspended civil liberties including freedom of transit and due process, as well as permitting search and seizure without a warrant.[71]

The ambassadors of Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua said that on the 29th they were detained and beaten by Honduran troops before being released.[62] Venezuela's ambassador to the OAS announced before the OAS that those ambassadors and Patricia Rodas, the Zelaya government's Foreign Minister, had been captured. Minutes after that announcement, Señor Laguna, the Venezuelan ambassador in Tegucigalpa, reported that he and the other ambassadors had been freed. Laguna said that he and the other diplomats were seized when they visited Rodas. He said that Rodas was forced into a van and had been transferred to an air base.[72] Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez stated that the Venezuelan ambassador was assaulted by Honduran soldiers and left by the side of a road.[73]

Also, allies of Zelaya, among them several government officials, have been taken into custody by the military.[62] Foreign Minister Patricia Rodas and the mayor of the city San Pedro Sula, Rodolfo Padilla Sunseri, have been detained at military bases.[23] According to a Narconews blog, several congressmen of the Democratic Unification Party (PUD) were arrested and the party's presidential candidate, César Ham, went into hiding.[74] According to Venezuelan government's ABN, Tomás Andino Mencías, a member of the party, reported that PUD lawmakers were led away by the military when they tried to enter the parliament building for the June 28 vote on Zelaya's deposal.[75] A dozen former ministers from the Zelaya government went into in hiding, some in foreign embassies, fearing arrest.[76] Local media reported that at least eight ministers besides Rodas had been detained.[72]

Hugo Chávez and Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez have both separately claimed that Honduran Foreign Minister Patricia Rodas has been detained by the Honduran military. Rodríguez said that the Cuban, Venezuelan and Nicaraguan ambassadors to Honduras had tried but were unable to protect Rodas from a group of masked soldiers who forcibly took her from their grasp.[77] Rodas was sent to Mexico, which offered her asylum and help to resolve the situation.[78]

Media war

Reuters on 29 June 2009, describing the situation in Honduras as a "media blackout," reported that the military had shut down several TV stations, radio stations, and newspaper's websites. Among the TV stations closed were CNN en espanol; Telesur (a cooperative sponsored by several Latin American governments including Venezuela); and "a pro-Zelaya channel." Reuters said that "the few television and radio stations still operating on Monday [the 29th] played tropical music or aired soap operas and cooking shows," and "made little reference to the demonstrations or international condemnation of the coup. . . ." A government health worker interviewd by Reuters said that the anti-Zelaya newspapers El Heraldo and La Tribuna, and "some television channels controlled by the opposition" were the only ones still broadcasting on the morning of the 29th.[79][80] The Miami Herald reported that the "crackdown on the media" began before dawn on the 28th. It said that only pro-Micheletti stations were allowed to broadcast and that they carried only news friendly to the new government.[81] On 29 June, four Associated Press personnel were detained and removed from their hotel, but then released.[82]

TeleSUR journalist Adriana Sívori, who was in Tegucigalpa reporting the clashes between the police and protesters, reported that she was arrested by the military under threat, and had her passport seized.[83] Her detention was confirmed by the Associated Press.[82] As soon as the international community learned of the detention, and after the quick intervention of the Venezuelan ambassador in Honduras, the journalist and the staff who accompanied her were released. Sívori was reportedly assaulted by the soldiers who detained her. TeleSUR was, until the detention and quick release of journalist Sívori, the only channel that was broadcasting live on all developments in the political crisis.[84]

According to Diario El Tiempo, there was also some information that the newspaper Diario El Tiempo had been prohibited to broadcast information about the developments. Canal 11 located in Colonia de Miramontes was also prohibited to broadcast information about the developments. The Cable Color buildings, which also broadcasts programming of CNN and teleSUR, were surrounded by military forces.[85] On June 29 soldiers shut down Channel 8, a government station which was pro-Zelaya.[82] Channel 36 was raided by soldiers minutes after the coup and remained off the air for a week;[86] the Miami Herald of 1 July quoted owner Esdras López as saying that the building's occupants were detained during the raid. Channel 66 was raided and was off the air for a short time; according to some journalists, however, a Channel 66 program by Eduardo Maldonado, a popular radio and TV commentator who is pro-Zelaya, remained off the air for days. Maldono went into hiding.[86] The Miami Herald noted that Channel 21's signal was briefly interrupted while it was broadcasting a plea against censorship.[87]

According to a press release published on the website of Radio Globo Honduras, a station which has long sided with Zelaya,[88] a group of 60 soldiers took the radio off the air and the employees, including Alejandro Villatoro, were allegedly threatened and intimidated. The station was allowed to resume transmission, but staff had to follow some rules which they believed limited freedom of expression.[89] The website of the radio was down but has been re-established.[citation needed] Alejandro Villatoro said that he was arrested and kidnapped for some hours by the military forces.[90]

"Honduras’ two leading radio networks, Radio América and Radio HRN, have urged Hondurans to resume their normal routine and not to protest."[91] Honduran newspaper La Prensa reported on 30 June that an armed group of Zelaya supporters, attacked La Prensa's main headquarters by throwing stones and other objects at their windows, until police intervened. According to the paper, it was discovered that the group was led by Venezuelan and Nicaraguan nationalities.[92][unreliable source?]

On July 3 Radio America journalist Gabriel Fino Noriega was murdered near La Ceiba[93].

Media outlets complained that the government ordered them not to report any news or opinion that could "incite" the public. News organizations in Honduras were polarized. Journalists working for small independent media—or for those loyal to Zelaya—reported being harassed by officials.[76]

The Paris based press freedom group Reporters Without Borders released a statement on June 29 stating that, "The suspension or closure of local and international broadcast media indicates that the coup leaders want to hide what is happening." [94]

Carlos Lauría of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists said: "The de facto government clearly used the security forces to restrict the news... Hondurans did not know what was going on. They clearly acted to create an information vacuum to keep people unaware of what was actually happening." However, in an interview published on July 9, 2009 in the Washington Post, Ramón Custodio López, Honduras's human rights ombudsman, said he had received no official complaints from journalists: "This is the first I have heard about an occupation or military raid of a station," he said. "I try to do the best job I can, but there are things that escape my knowledge."[86]

Two journalists working for teleSUR and two working for Venezuelan state media were threatened by police on July 11. The teleSUR journalists had just returned to their hotel, the Clarion in Tegucigalpa, and saw the Venezuelan state media reporters being detained at reception. They in turn were ordered to stay in the hotel and wait for agents from immigration to check their papers, then leave the country as "there's nothing for you to report on here". The Venezuelan state media reporters were taken to a police station and held until 3:30 am on the pretext that their car was listed as having been used in a crime. They also were told to leave the country, and were escorted to the airport on July 12, accompanied by representatives of Derechos Humanos (DDHH). Another group of four journalists, including an ACAN-EFE reporter, were held by police in their hotel in Tegucigalpa from early hours of the morning until 9 am July 12 allegedly on orders to wait for immigration authorities, which never materialized. [95][96][97][98][99][100][101]

Public opinion

Opinion polls

CID-Gallup conducted a poll in 16 of the 18 Honduran departments between June 30 and July 4, but the results were reported initially to the press on July 9 and July 10, leading to confusion. Honduran newspapers, such as El Heraldo, and some news sources outside Honduras, such as the Washington Post, reported that when asked whether they believed the removal of President Zelaya was justified, 41% agreed, 28% disagreed, and 31% said don't know/won't answer.[86][102] However, the New York Times, the Associated Press, and others reported, possibly based upon an interview of the President of CID-Gallup, that 46% disagreed with Zelaya's ouster, 41% approved of it, with 13% declining to answer.[103][104][105]

A blogger obtained the original data from CID-Gallup and explained the inconsistency.[106] CID-Gallup asked two different questions:

Q: Do you consider that the actions taken by Mel Zelaya with respect to the fourth ballot box justify his dismissal from the post of President of the Republic?
Considera usted que las acciones que tomó Mel Zelaya con respecto a la cuarta urna justificaban su destitución del puesto de Presidente de la República?
Yes 41%, No 28%, Don't know/No answer: 31%.

Q: Are you in accord with the action taken last sunday which removed President Zelaya from the country?
Cuánto está usted de acuerdo con la acción que se tomó el pasado domingo que removió el Presidente Zelaya del país?
Support 41%, Oppose 46%, Don't know/No Answer 13%.

Some press sources reported the results from the first question, and some the results from the second question.

Additional questions examined either president's popularity in Honduras. Zelaya had a 46% favorable and 44% unfavorable rating. The Congress's chosen replacement, Micheletti, had a 30% favorable and 49% unfavorable rating.[107]

Events after June 28th

Main article: Chronology of events of the 2009 Honduran coup d'état
Pro-Zelaya protesters marching in Tegucigalpa

Protests against the coup began almost immediately, as several thousand Zelaya supporters gathered near the Presidential Palace, confronting the guarding soldiers and lit tires on fire.[23] In response to daily pro-Zelaya protests, Congress approved a decree on July 1 that applied an overnight curfew and allowed security forces to arrest people at home and hold them for more than 24 hours.[108]

On June 30, the United Nations General Assembly unanimously adopted a resolution which called for the reinstatement of Zelaya as the President of Honduras. Zelaya spoke in front of the General Assembly where he was applauded several times. In his speech, Zelaya promised not to seek another term as President and said that he would not accept a second term if he were asked to serve again.[109]

June 30 also saw the first rally in support of Zelaya's removal take place in the capital, as thousands of Zelaya opponents took to the main square. Roberto Micheletti made an appearance and said that the November general elections will be held as scheduled and that a new president will be sworn in on January 27, 2010.[110] General Romeo Vásquez Velásquez also attended and spoke at the rally.[111]

Anti-Zelaya demonstrators in Tegucigalpa

Honduras was formally suspended from the Organization of American States on July 4, after the Micheletti government ignored a ultimatum by the OAS to re-instate Zelaya as President.[112] OAS General Secretary José Miguel Insulza had arrived in Honduras the previous day to attempt to negotiate a return for Zelaya, but the Micheletti government ruled out any return for Zelaya.[113]

Keeping with his word to attempt to return to his country, on July 5 Zelaya's plane took off for Tegucigalpa. The Micheletti government suspended all flights in and out of Toncontín International Airport, stranding hundreds of passengers in the progress, while sending the military to guard the runways, in order to prevent any landings.[114] Zelaya's plane circled the airport a few times, as pro-Zelaya demonstrators gathered near the airport. Eventually the plane had to turn away and head to Nicaragua because of the Honduran military's blocking of the runway.[115] Protests at the airport turned deadly, with at least two protesters confirmed dead and scores injured.[115][116]

Zelaya met with U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in Washington on July 7. At this meeting, Zelaya agreed to a U.S.-backed proposal for negotiation talks with Micheletti government representatives in Costa Rica set for July 9.[117] The talks, with Costa Rican President Óscar Arias serving as mediator, proved unsuccessful, as both sides remained far apart according to regional leaders. The participants only agreed to meet again sometime in the future, as Zelaya left Costa Rica to gather more international support.[118]

Meanwhile, Micheletti announced that he accepted the resignation of interim Foreign Minister Enrique Ortez, who earlier in a TV interview had called U.S. President Barack Obama "a little black man who knows nothing about nothing". The U.S. Embassy in Honduras strongly condemned and protested the comments, which Micheletti described as "a scandalous epithet".[118][119]

Both pro- and anti-Zelaya demonstrations continue on a daily basis throughout the deeply polarized country.

Honduran Roman Catholic Cardinal Óscar Andrés Rodríguez Maradiaga does not support the return of President Manuel Zelaya. Cardinal Rodriguez stated that Zelaya “doesn’t have any authority, moral or legal. The legal authority he lost because he broke laws and the moral authority he lost with a discourse full of lies.” [120] On July 15, 2009, interim Honduran President, Roberto Micheletti, stated he would be prepared to step down "if at some point that decision is needed to bring peace and tranquility to the country, but without the return, and I stress this, of former President Zelaya."[121][122]

In an interview July 16 on Radio Monumental of Costa Rica, President Oscar Arias said that he had a mandate from 34 world governments to restore constitutional order in Honduras, by which he meant restore president Jose Manuel Zelaya. He rejected Micheletti's proposal to step down if Zelaya did not return to power. He said, "we will see if we can talk of an amnesty, and for who, over political crimes (veremos si se puede hablar de una amnistía, y para quiénes, sobre delitos políticos)". "Zelaya must abandon his goal of installing a fourth ballot box", he continued. Arias indicated he intended to propose a reconciliation government headed by Zelaya combined with political amnesty. [123] The head of Honduras' ruling Liberal Party in Congress (to which both Zelaya and Micheletti belong), Valentin Suarez, expects the vast majority of lawmakers to vote against Arias' proposal.[124]

International reactions

Main article: International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état

All Latin American nations (with the exception of Honduras), as well as the United States, Spain, France, and others, have publicly condemned the forced removal of Zelaya as undemocratic and most have labeled it as a coup d'état. President Barack Obama of the United States said "We believe that the coup was not legal and that President Zelaya remains the President of Honduras."[80][125] Conversely, seventeen US Senators expressed concern to Secretary of State Hillary Clinton that Washington’s pro-Zelaya stand would legitimize Zelaya’s “abuses of power” and “violations of the Honduran constitution”.[126] Amongst the stronger reactions, President of Venezuela Hugo Chávez, pledged to "bring down" any replacement government.[127] Americas-based international organizations such as the Organization of American States, Mercosur, and the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas have also condemned the events. Over ten Latin American countries, as well as all European Union countries,[128] agreed to withdraw their ambassadors from Honduras until Zelaya is returned to power.[129] No nation has publicly declared support for the Honduran military's actions or for the new acting President Roberto Micheletti, with the exception of Honduras itself.

Venezuela has said it would suspend oil shipments, and Honduras's neighbors — El Salvador, Guatemala, and Nicaragua—stopped overland trade for 48 hours.[60]

  •  United Nations: A one-page resolution, passed by acclamation in the 192-member body, condemned the removal of Zelaya as a coup and demanded his “immediate and unconditional restoration” as president.[130] The resolution calls "firmly and categorically on all states to recognize no government other than that" of Zelaya.[131]
  •  Americas: The OAS called for an emergency meeting on Sunday,[10][132] where it approved a resolution demanding "the immediate, safe and unconditional return of the constitutional president, Manuel Zelaya."[133] Secretary General José Miguel Insulza called the situation "a military coup."[134] On July 1, 2009, the OAS gave a three-day deadline for the new government to step down and put Zelaya back in power, and threatened to suspend Honduras from the organization if it refused.[135] On July 4, the OAS unanimously suspended Honduras.[136]
  •  Caribbean: In a press release, CARICOM denounced the coup and voiced its concern over the treatment of Honduran and diplomatic officials during the coup. "The Caribbean Community condemns the military action which has interrupted the democratic process in Honduras and which contravenes the principles of the Inter-American Democratic Charter. The Community therefore calls for the immediate reinstatement of President Zelaya."[138]
  • The Association of Caribbean States condemned the coup in a statement and called for Zelaya's reinstatement. Additionally it stated, "we highlight our condemnation of the brutal treatment that Honduras military personnel gave to the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Patricia Rodas as well as the Ambassadors of Cuba, Nicaragua and Venezuela. This situation is a serious violation of International law, and the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations."[139]
  •  Mercosur and  Paraguay: President of Paraguay and current president pro tempore of Mercosur Fernando Lugo condemned the coup and said that no member state of Mercosur will recognize a Honduran government that is not led by Manuel Zelaya. Lugo also called for those behind the coup to be punished by serving prison sentences.[140]
  •  European Union: The European Union called on the Honduran military to release the president and restore constitutional order.[10] The EU decided on July 2 to remove all ambassadors from Honduras.[128]
  • The World Bank: World Bank President Robert Zoellick stated that the World Bank has "paused" all lending for development programs to Honduras, said to be around $80 million for the next fiscal year. Asked under what conditions the World Bank would consider resuming lending to Honduras, Zoellick replied: "It is a situation that is in flux and fluid and in this case we are trying to play a supportive role with the region and its overall goals to restore democracy."[142]
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References

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  39. ^ Translated by Wikipedia. Original Spanish: "¿Está de acuerdo que en las elecciones generales de noviembre del 2008 [sic] se instale una Cuarta Urna en la cual el pueblo decida la convocatoria a una Asamblea Nacional Constituyente?" This was the text released in the official declaration of 27 June 2009. In Zelaya's initial announcement on 24 March, the text was slightly different: "¿Está usted de acuerdo que en las elecciones generales de noviembre se instale una urna para convocar a una Asamblea Constituyente que apruebe una nueva Constitución Política?" Sources: 27 June declaration published in La Tribuna, 27 June; 24 March question reported in "Honduras: busca reforma constitucional", BBC Spanish, op cit.
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External links

Images

Analysis

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